News by Adam Aziz

While the charges against Zahrah and Abdulazeez were read separately, Justice Azura, however, allowed the application by deputy public prosecutor (DPP) Allan Suman Pillai for a joint trial.

This comprised "RM80,000 plus" in monthly salary amounting to over RM960,000 for the year, an 18-month bonus of more than RM1.44 million, plus an annual allowance of RM179,000 for sitting on the board of directors of the beleaguered state-owned fund.

"... But these cheques were never meant to be encashed and were never encashed ..."

It has been reported that the collaboration led to questionable bond arrangements for 1MDB’s power assset acquisitions that badly affected 1MDB but rewarded Goldman Sachs with hefty fees.

“Jho Low responded that it was a ‘good idea’,” said Sharol.

The minutes was for a purported meeting between Shahrol and Najib in his capacity as chairman of 1MDB's board of advisers (BoA). However, Shahrol told the High Court that he never attended the meeting.

Shahrol distanced himself from the irregularities which he signed off as then-1MDB CEO — with the excuse that he relied on “legitimate law firms” like Wong & Partners, and “experts” such as Jho Low and his affiliate Casey Tang (then 1MDB executive director). 

Shahrol testified that the RM70,000 was used to pay the fee to increase TIA's issued and paid-up capital.

In his attempt to have Sharol's testimony dismissed, one of the cases which Shafee referred to was how the Federal Court allowed an appeal in the Alcontara Ambrose Anthony v PP (1996) case, partly because the initial judgement relied on hearsay evidence.

Gandingan Mentari was fronted as SRC's corporate social responsibility arm, but was allegedly used to divert funds from SRC — previously a unit of 1Malaysia Development Bhd (1MDB) — into the personal bank account of former prime minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak.